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A Two-Sided Partnership
By Invitation: Stanislav romanuik
12 Minute Read
6th August 2026
On January 16th 2025, Prime Minister Keir Starmer and President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a 100-year partnership between the UK and Ukraine. Since the start of the full-scale invasion in February 2022, the UK has fully supported Ukraine on both diplomatic and military fronts, regardless of changes in its political landscape and leadership. In total, the UK has committed £25 billion: £16 billion in military support, up to £5.6 billion in non-military support (including bilateral assistance and fiscal guarantees), and a £3.5 billion cover limit for export finance. This support sits alongside other initiatives run in coalition with allied states.
But the partnership between the UK and Ukraine has never been one-sided, with the UK simply sending cash for Ukraine to defend itself against Russia. Both states have been actively cooperating, and that cooperation has now been formalised into a 100-year partnership built around nine pillars:
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Defence
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Maritime
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Security
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Economy & Trade
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Energy, Climate and Clean Energy Transition
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Justice & Accountability
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Countering Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI)
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Science, Technology and Innovation
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Social, Culture and Sport
This article looks at the potential benefits for the UK from the partnership with Ukraine. Here, we focus on two of the nine pillars: Defence and Countering FIMI.
Defence
For the past four years, Ukraine has been forced to defend itself against a far bigger and better-equipped opponent in Russia. The gap between the two armies in February 2022 was stark: Russian armed forces were estimated to be five times the size of Ukraine's, with five times more armoured fighting vehicles and ten times more aircraft. Despite substantial Western support in equipment, Ukraine has remained significantly outnumbered in both personnel and hardware.
This imbalance forced the rapid development of cheap technologies to close the gap and save Ukrainian lives. Ukraine has led the way in battlefield drone use, from tactical FPV strikes to long-range attacks and disruption of Russian logistics. Ukrainian miltech companies are especially effective because of their direct contact with soldiers: feedback from the front line lets engineers iterate in weeks rather than the years, or even decades, typical of Western defence contractors.
This rapid R&D, and access to the technologies it produces, gives a real advantage to the British Army as it invests heavily in modernisation. Ukraine's offer goes beyond sharing knowledge and hardware — it extends to joint training and munitions production, building secure supply chains and interoperable forces ready to fight together in future conflicts. Access to Ukrainian drone technology is a meaningful step toward strengthening the British Army: these systems already sustain logistics and evacuation in the grey zone of the battlefield, cutting losses while keeping soldiers supplied in active combat. The same drones disrupt enemy logistics, forcing opposing forces to withdraw or surrender for lack of munitions. Through this partnership, the UK stands to inherit knowledge that puts the British Army a step ahead in any future conflict.
This cooperation is already underway. Ukrspecsystems, Ukraine's largest drone manufacturer, has opened its first factory in the UK, backed by a £200 million investment. The site combines an 11,000 m² production facility in Mildenhall with a testing and training centre at Elmsett, both in Suffolk, and at full capacity is expected to turn out up to 1,000 drones a month, including the PD-2 and SHARK-M models already fielded by Ukraine's Armed Forces. The factory is projected to create up to 500 jobs and was formally opened by the Minister for Defence Readiness and Industry alongside Ukraine's Ambassador to the UK, who framed it as evidence of a new European security architecture built on shared production rather than one-way aid. The UK has already ordered more than 80 SHARK and Mini-SHARK drones from Ukrspecsystems, and the factory sits alongside a wider £1 billion UK commitment to Ukraine's air defences since mid-2024, part of a £4.5 billion Ministry of Defence support package aimed at intercepting Russian drone and missile strikes at a lower cost. Under the 100-year partnership, this is expected to be the first of several such factories on British soil, moving Ukrainian production onto UK territory partly to shield it from Russian strikes and partly to build a more resilient, allied industrial base — making the British Armed Forces more resilient to future threats and better equipped for modern warfare.
Scrutiny of the wider agreement has been more mixed than the drone deal alone might suggest. The House of Lords International Agreements Committee welcomed the rationale behind the 100-year partnership but found it short on implementation detail, and recommended the agreement be reviewed if Russia and Ukraine reach a peace settlement. That caution is worth bearing in mind for the defence pillar too: the benefit to the UK depends less on the partnership's existence than on how quickly commitments like the Ukrspecsystems factory are followed by others.
Countering Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI)
Foreign information manipulation and interference is a global problem. Many countries now face threats from foreign propaganda, disinformation, election interference, and direct cyberattacks — threats capable of doing real damage to everyday life and to democratic institutions themselves.
Ukraine's strategic communication institutions have been confronting these threats for 12 years, since the Russian invasion of Crimea and Donbas, and have built up hard-won expertise in defending against them.
The 100-year partnership commits both countries to developing their strategic communication institutions together, making both nations more resilient to these threats. Under the Partnership Declaration, that commitment is broken down into specific lines of work: regular analytical exchanges on FIMI networks and research findings; joint media initiatives to counter information manipulation in third countries; support for civil society and independent media as a source of societal resilience; and a standing dialogue covering threat analysis, counter-FIMI measures, and joint events. Both sides also commit to enabling effective disruptive action against the organisations and individuals responsible for threatening either country's territorial integrity or democratic values, and to opening up cooperation on emerging technology and research to address these threats jointly.
For the UK, the value of this pillar lies largely in what Ukraine brings from a decade of direct experience countering Kremlin-linked information operations — expertise the UK's own institutions are still catching up on. A House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee inquiry found that, while the UK has done credible work countering FIMI overseas, domestic efforts remain fragmented across government departments, and called for a centralised National Counter Disinformation Centre to coordinate the response at home. Ukrainian know-how, channelled through this partnership, is one of the more direct ways the UK could close that gap.
Conclusion
Looked at only through Defence and Countering FIMI, the 100-year partnership reads less like a one-way aid package and more like an exchange in which the UK is a net beneficiary of Ukrainian expertise. Battle-tested drone technology and production capacity are already landing on British soil in Suffolk, and Ukraine's decade of frontline experience countering Russian disinformation is exactly the kind of knowledge the UK's own, still-fragmented counter-FIMI efforts need. The gap, as the House of Lords has pointed out, is implementation: whether the Ukrspecsystems factory becomes the first of several rather than a one-off, and whether the FIMI pillar's commitments translate into the coordinated institutions both sides have promised. On the evidence so far, the UK has good reason to keep investing in the partnership — but should be judged on delivery, not just signatures.
References
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“UK-Ukraine 100 Year Partnership Declaration” President.Gov.UA (17 January 2025) https://www.president.gov.ua/storage/j-files-storage/01/36/13/556138bddfcebe80318608e7c26fdab2_1737044973.pdf
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UK-Ukraine Strategic Dialogue, joint leaders' statement, 10 Downing Street (17 March 2026) https://www.gov.uk/government/news/the-uk-ukraine-strategic-dialogue
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"UK-Ukraine 100-year partnership agreement," House of Lords International Agreements Committee report, House of Lords Library (17 April 2025) https://lordslibrary.parliament.uk/uk-ukraine-100-year-partnership-agreement-house-of-lords-international-agreements-committee-report/
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"Disinformation diplomacy: How malign actors are seeking to undermine democracy," House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (27 March 2026) https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/53394/documents/298809/default/
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"Ukrspecsystems opens £200 million Suffolk drone factory to support Ukraine and create 500 UK jobs," Defence Industry Europe (27 February 2026) https://defence-industry.eu/ukrspecsystems-opens-200-million-suffolk-drone-factory-to-support-ukraine-and-create-500-uk-jobs/
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"Ukrainian Firm Opens Drone Factory in UK," The Defence Post (26 February 2026) https://thedefensepost.com/2026/02/26/ukrainian-drone-factory-uk/
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"Ukrspecsystems Opens UK Drone Factory In Suffolk, Targeting 1,000 Units A Month For Ukrainian Forces," DroneXL (1 March 2026) https://dronexl.co/2026/03/01/ukrspecsystems-uk-drone-factory-suffolk/